 Russian troops and locals celebrate reclaiming control of villages |
Russia's North Caucasus region is home to dozens of nationalities, many of which have troubled relations with their neighbours or with Moscow. The BBC's Steve Rosenberg answers your questions, following his journey across the North Caucasus, which ended in Dagestan.
Q: What do the people of the Caucasus think about the future for the region and will there ever be any change from the Russian influence politically?
Dominic Henderson, Auckland, New Zealand
There is a lot of concern about the future of the North Caucasus. People see violence spreading from Chechnya to neighbouring republics; add to that the economic problems of the region, the lack of jobs and the widespread corruption, and it's hard to be optimistic. But I don't think people seriously believe that Russia's influence here will decline, despite Moscow's fears that foreign Islamic groups are trying to radicalise the region.
Q: How safe is the North Caucasus for independent tourists?
Ahram al-Yardum, Philadelphia, USA
My advice - stay well away from places like Chechnya, Ingushetia and Dagestan. The situation there remains volatile. Despite extravagant claims by local officials that the situation is improving, there are almost daily reports from the region of bomb attacks and shootings. North Ossetia is less dangerous - and has more of an infrastructure to receive tourists (as well as some excellent restaurants!). But recent legislation has introduced restrictions to foreigners' movements across North Ossetia. The mineral spa towns of Kislovodsk and Pyatigorsk, though, are delightful, with plenty of hotels and spa resorts - well worth a visit.
Q: Do the majority of the Chechen people would still like to be independent or would rather stay with Russia?
Paul Dvali, Guildford, UK
My impression is that Chechens are tired of a conflict which has reduced their republic to rubble and left so many dead. No one I spoke to in Grozny supported the idea of Chechen independence; people told me they just wanted to be left in peace to try to rebuild their lives - and if that means within Russia, they seem willing to accept it.
Q: Lermontov often used the Caucasus as the setting for his literature, with tales abounding of the wild, romantic, rugged nature of the locals. How does that conform with reality, and what marks out the people of this region compared with other parts of European Russia?
David Stephenson, London, UK
Lermontov was spot on. I think that people's character and spirit here are born of the mountains which surround them - the mighty Caucasus, some of the most beautiful, and rugged peaks in the world. It feeds their love of live - their dances, their celebrations, their food. People feel immensely proud of their link to these mountains in a way that you wouldn't find in other Russian cities. They are overflowing with emotion and hospitality. But the conflicts this region has experienced for thousands of years have made people tough, too.
Q: Do the various ethnic groups in Dagestan view themselves as separate peoples under Russian occupation? Or do they view themselves as simply a culturally distinct part of the Russian Federation? Is separatist violence likely in Dagestan?
John, Texas, USA
There are more than thirty different ethnic groups in Dagestan - it's Russia's most multi-ethnic republic. And within those groups there are many sub-groups, with different dialects. People are clearly proud of their roots, their villages, and their ethnicity. But I didn't get the sense that people feel that the different ethnic groups are waiting for their moment to break free or they they're living under Russian occupation.
"Is there such a thing as a Dagestani?" is a question we asked a lot during our stay. Most people replied like this: if a Dargin asks an Avar what nationality he is, he'll say "I'm an Avar." But if someone from Moscow asks him the same question, he'll reply "I'm Dagestani".
Q: How much does the economic situation in Dagestan is fuelling the militancy in that republic? With Moscow subsidizing Dagestan 70-75% and their unemployment reaching the 50% mark, coupled with the corruption of the local administration, do you feel this is creating disillusionment in the eyes of the struggling youth, enough to push them towards the path of militancy and extremism?
Thomas Faustini, Baku, Azerbaijan
You're absolutely right. The dire economic situation fuels discontent and violence, not only in Dagestan, but across the North Caucasus. If people have no jobs, no income, no hope, they're more likely to be recruited by extremist groups. It's a similar situation in Kabardiono-Balkariya, where widespread poverty has been fuelling militancy. The Russian authorities accuse "outside forces" in the Islamic world of exploiting the situation and trying to radicalise local populations. It's not just unemployment that leads to unrest, it's growing anger at the corruption of local officials and bureaucrats.
Q: Why do you think there is so much violence in this part of Russia and what is Putin doing to assist these citizens become integral part of Russia while retaining their cultural traditions? Do you think that people are becoming more violent because that is the only alternative to the corrupt regimes that are backed by the Kremlin?
Ali Shireh, Arizona, USA
This region has been a battleground for thousands of years. But many of today's conflicts in the Caucasus have been stored up over the last sixty years. When Stalin deported all Chechens, Ingush, Balkars and Karachai in 1944, not only did he create deep resentment among those peoples, but he also laid the ground for future territorial disputes. In the 1990s, Boris Yeltsin's decision to send Russian troops into Chechnya sparked a conflict which the Kremlin is still struggling to end and which has spread across the region. President Putin has tried to restore Moscow's control over the North Caucasus - by replacing some of the local leaders with Kremlin loyalists. But unless Moscow can improve the economic situation across the North Caucasus, and fight corruption, it may prove hard to end the violence.