The demonstrations in Tiananmen Square in 1989 had all the ingredients of a major global television story.

Young idealistic students demanded freedom and democracy challenging an authoritarian government. Technology allowed a previously inscrutable place to become thoroughly accessible.

But what the Western media portrayed and what actually happened were not one in the same thing.

Throughout the seven weeks of demonstrations in the spring of 1989, the Chinese government provided almost no media interviews and did not offer up its view of events to the Western news media. Nor were Western governments deeply engaged in what was happening.

That meant that the drama that unfolded in central Beijing was almost exclusively played out between the Chinese people in and around Tiananmen Square and the international news media.

It made a great story but also propelled the demonstrations towards their legendary bloody end.

What does democracy mean?

Man vs machine: A seminal image from Tiananmen

One thing that shaped the perception of the movement was the use of the phrase "pro-democracy". Though emotive, it drastically oversimplifyed a complex group of demands that the students (and then the workers) were making.

Did the students want democracy? Many China-watchers feel that the phrase overglorifies the students' demands. Though the word was frequently used by the students themselves - and lapped up by the world media - the aims were much less clear.

Initially, the students had spilled onto the streets to mourn the death of reformist premier Hu Yaobang. It wasn't until later that it turned into an outlet for their pent-up frustrations.

Their demands focused on four main issues: an end to official corruption, vague political reform, respect for personal freedoms, such as freedom of speech and freedom of the press; and better treatment of intellectuals.

Terms such as pro-democracy may have helped to fuel the idea that demonstrators were trying to create a Western system and overthrow the Communist Party government. In fact, most of the demonstrators wanted to do no such thing.

Despite years of Communist indoctrination, the students turned out to be surprisingly media-savvy. They played to the Western news media, marching with banners emblazoned in English with some of the most sacred mantras of Western liberal democracy: 'Give me Liberty of Give me Death', 'Government of the people, by the people, for the people', and 'We Shall Overcome.'

All made a huge impact on Western viewers and reinforced the perception in the West that 'they' wanted to be like 'us'. Some Western reporters also took a supportive line.

This plus the presence of the cameras may have hardened the students' line. With all the world their stage, many realised that if they could tap into Western sympathies, their movement (however nebulous its aims) was more likely to succeed.

Media convergence

A May summit, long planned between Chinese paramount leader Deng Xiaoping and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, also was a key event.

The Chinese government had given permission for satellite uplinks to be used by Western television networks, and some of the senior reporters and news anchors from around the world arrived to cover what was becoming an increasingly interesting situation.

As Gorbachev arrived, the American news network CBS had seven film crews in Beijing.

Again, the media-savvy students seized the opportunity to heighten their protest as they began a hunger strike. The world's media was there, and the emotive scenes were broadcast around the world, reinforcing the perception that China under Deng was about to change.

Student leader Wang Dan speaks to students - and the world

The Chinese media also played a role. Chinese demonstrators had grown up on a diet of strictly controlled news broadcasts and newspapers. But in mid-May its approach media suddenly changed.

CCTV broadcasts began to report the demonstrations. It seemed almost to have joined the side of the demonstrators.

This switch added to the problems of the demonstrators. It seemed to some that the government now favoured the demonstrators.

It made it difficult to see what was going on inside the government. In reality the line was actually hardening.

The final symbol of the movement, erected on May 30, was the Goddess of Democracy statue in Tiananmen Square. It seemed to confirm to the West, watching on its TV screens, that the Chinese wanted everything politically that the West had to offer.

Ironically the Chinese government came to a similar (wrong) conclusion, believing that the students wanted to overthrow the government.

The Western news media, which had been a part of the process of political awakening, was able to record its final awful denouement - and the blood that spilled as tanks and troops rolled into the Square on the night of 4 June.