Tony Blair is preparing himself for a full-scale confrontation with fuel protesters if they return to disruptive tactics next week.

If the worst happens, Britain will see soldiers driving fuel tankers, police breaking up demonstrations and widespread food shortages.

There could be scenes reminiscent of the 1970s firemen's dispute - which saw the army's "green goddesses" used as replacement fire engines.

If it escalates, there will be inevitable comparisons with the miners' strike of 1984.

And there is a growing suspicion in Westminster that, in the same way Margaret Thatcher revelled in seeing off the miners, the prime minister may actually be happy to take on the fuel protesters.

His official spokesman has insisted that "nobody is looking for a fight" and that there is not a propaganda war being pursued by the government.

And he has insisted that it is the media that is whipping up irresponsible scare stories.

But statements made by Mr Blair and Home Secretary Jack Straw appear to contradict that.

Full force

The official prime ministerial line on the protesters has dramatically hardened since the original blockades.

It is now abundantly clear that any disruptive tactics will be met by the full force of the army and police force.

Mr Blair is determined not to be bullied by the protesters and his initial, conciliatory tone has gone.

Meanwhile Mr Straw - in what looked to many like a concerted propaganda assault - has released a number of reports mapping out the damage done to the economy and jobs by the last action and the level of intimidation of tanker drivers.

And he told the Commons that he was prepared to use whatever measures were necessary to stop the protesters again bringing the country to a halt.

Ministers have also been happy to map out the dire consequences of the protesters' threatened actions.

At the same time, Treasury minister Stephen Timms has been insisting that demands for a 26.2p cut in petrol tax, funded from rises in income tax, are not only irresponsible, but would also run against the government's democratic mandate not to increase direct taxes.

For many people, this all adds up to a powerful propaganda war which the government is determined to win.

There is no doubt that the government's attitude towards the protesters has changed.

Popular movement

When the first demonstrations erupted ministers were taken completely by surprise.

And it was obvious that the government was confused over the scale of the protests and, more importantly, the level of public support for them.

They could not make up their minds whether they were a small group of disruptive small businessmen and special interests or a genuine popular movement.

That has all changed. The view from Downing Street is now plain.

The truckers, farmers and others may not be "the enemy within" but they are certainly no longer seen as white knights in the vanguard of a popular movement.

There have also, and crucially for Mr Blair, been signs that public support for the protesters is fragile and could easily evaporate altogether.

The argument about fuel tax for ordinary motorists will not go away, but this row is increasingly being seen in terms of the government versus a small group of vested interests.

And, as Margaret Thatcher found, in the run up to a general election it is not always a bad thing to use such a dispute to display your toughness.

It is far too early to predict how the latest phase of the dispute will unravel and ministers must be faintly nervous that the new, hard line stand may yet backfire.

But the prime minister has clearly made his calculations.