By Mark Devenport BBC Northern Ireland political editor

There are not many places in the world where a political leader announces that he intends to nominate his long term sworn enemy for high office, then that opponent turns around and tells the leader where to put his invitation.

However, that's what happened in Northern Ireland this week when Gerry Adams told his supporters he'd be backing Ian Paisley for first minister. "Thanks, but no thanks," was the DUP leader's response.

The assembly at Stormont has been suspended since 2002

The crucial vote on forming a power-sharing government has been delayed by a week.

Day one of the assembly, Monday 15 May, is expected to see a brief opening statement from the Speaker, Eileen Bell, who will read out a letter from the Secretary of State, Peter Hain.

The 108 assembly members will be invited to sign the register, in alphabetical order of their parties, designating themselves as unionist, nationalist or other.

Then the assembly will adjourn, with many of the politicians heading off to a garden party at Mr Hain's Hillsborough Castle residence.

A proposal that party leaders should set out their stalls before the adjournment has been dropped, apparently because it got a lukewarm response from the DUP.

Agreement is expected to a request from Sinn Fein for a minute's silence in memory of the Ballymena teenager Michael McIlveen.

A letter from Peter Hain will be read to assembly members

For shorthand purposes most media outlets are referring to Monday as the restoration of the Stormont assembly, but the politicians are keen to point out that this is a "Hain assembly" or a "virtual assembly".

By that they mean it is a very different beast from the assembly which existed up until October 2002, when it was suspended by John Reid.

Peter Hain has far more "vice-regal" powers over this assembly than did his predecessor.

The suspension order signed three and a half years ago has not been lifted - meaning that direct rule ministers continue to have responsibility for devolved departments.

And in contrast to the previous assembly, this gathering will be empowered to debate policy matters in the absence of a power-sharing executive.

The first test of the assembly members' willingness to discuss such policy matters should come on Tuesday, 16 May.

In the morning, business leaders will make a presentation to the politicians in the Senate Chamber (which is largely disused these days as the modern Stormont has no senators).

Ian Paisley rejected the support of Sinn Fein

Then the politicians have been invited to discuss economic matters in the chamber, on a "take note" basis.

Unionists are keen on such discussions.

However, in the run up to the assembly convening, nationalists were vocal in their rejection of any "talking shop".

They said the assembly should concentrate purely on the formation of a power-sharing executive. But in the final days a gap has opened up on this question between Sinn Fein and the SDLP.

Gerry Adams says discussing education, water charges, health and rate increases is pointless if the assembly has no power to change such matters.

He warns that Sinn Fein will not acquiesce in this.

The Sinn Fein deputy speaker, Francie Molloy, has gone so far as to indicate that he will not chair debates on matters over which he believes the assembly has no power.

By contrast, the SDLP are approaching policy debates on a "suck it and see" basis.

Mark Durkan wants to test how seriously the government responds to assembly votes on policies like water charges.

If Peter Hain refuses to respond, or provides only token concessions, the SDLP argues, the government will "have shown that participation in such debates has little point nor purpose".

Vote for offices

This approach means nationalists will, initially at any rate, be represented in some debates, although the SDLP is reserving the right to pull the plug at a time of its own choosing.

If such debates are powerless does it matter who is taking part?

The government will no doubt take some heart from the latest SDLP stance because it means some nationalists will occupy the benches, breathing a bit more life into the "virtual" Stormont.

The secretary of state knows the vote on first and deputy first minister, scheduled for Monday 22 May, is doomed to failure.

But the whole point of this exercise appears to be to enable the DUP to take "baby steps" towards dialogue with republicans and, eventually, power sharing.

This helps explain the government's desire to pack the proceedings with economic debates, visits from the Scottish first minister and so on.